Menopause Workplace Statistics 2026: What the U.S. Data Actually Shows
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Menopause workplace statistics show a real but uneven U.S. work impact: one major study estimated $1.8 billion in annual lost work time, while 13.4% of its employed sample reported an adverse work outcome. RAND’s newer model estimates $5.4 billion in productivity loss. These figures measure different things—and neither is a national census.
Those are the numbers almost everyone quotes. Here is what almost nobody tells you: they come from different populations and models, two of the most-repeated claims are routinely reported wrong, and the largest U.S. survey finding in the field came from a study with a 16.1% response rate.
We went and read the studies. We also read the bills—including an Illinois bill that was still described as unsigned on pages published after the governor had signed it.
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Best for you / not for you
This page is for you if you need current U.S. numbers you can defend in a meeting, a deck, a policy proposal, or an article—or you are trying to work out whether your own experience is reflected in the evidence.
This page is not for you if you need individual legal advice, a diagnosis, a treatment decision, or a universal percentage that predicts what will happen to one woman. It also does not turn UK findings into U.S. findings. When major UK evidence helps explain the field, it is labeled as UK evidence every time.
What are the six menopause workplace statistics that matter most?
The six figures below answer six different questions: missed-work cost, broader modeled productivity loss, reported work outcomes, employer support, the employer–employee communication gap, and enacted state laws. They belong together only when their denominators and scopes stay attached.
| Figure | What it actually measures | Source and year |
|---|---|---|
| $1.8 billion | Estimated annual U.S. cost of missed workdays only—not total productivity loss | Mayo Clinic Proceedings, 2023 |
| $5.4 billion | Modeled annual U.S. productivity loss from missed days, reduced hours, and layoffs | RAND, 2025 |
| 13.4% | Employed women aged 45–60 in one Mayo Clinic sample reporting at least one defined adverse work outcome | Mayo Clinic Proceedings, 2023 |
| 27% | U.S. employers reporting menopause support or resources—not necessarily medical coverage | SHRM Employee Benefits Survey, 2026 |
| 73 percentage points | Gap between HR benefit managers saying they discuss menopause and women saying they had discussed it with HR | Bank of America/National Menopause Foundation, 2023 |
| 2 states enacted | Rhode Island is in force; Illinois was signed August 7, 2026, with workplace provisions effective January 1, 2027 | State statutes and bill records |
The damaging admission: The evidence is strong enough to reject the idea that menopause never affects work. It is not strong enough to support one universal percentage, one universal cost, or the claim that every woman’s performance declines.
What did we actually verify?
For the claims that can change quickly, we checked the issuing organization, study, statute, enrolled bill, or official status record—not a search-result headline. We also replaced a superseded earnings estimate, corrected Illinois’s signed status, and removed claims that could not survive a primary-source check.
For this version, checked on August 10, 2026, we directly reviewed:
- the final peer-reviewed Mayo Clinic workplace study and its abstract;
- the full RAND report and its modeling assumptions;
- the revised December 2025 NBER paper and January 2026 Institute for Fiscal Studies version;
- the IZA working paper that measures self-reported menopause onset rather than diagnosis;
- the 2026 SHRM survey methodology and published trend figures;
- the Bank of America/National Menopause Foundation report and methodology;
- the Bonafide 2026 survey page, labeled here as a vendor survey;
- Rhode Island’s enacted statute;
- Illinois HB 5284’s final synopsis, enrolled text, and the governor’s August 7, 2026 bill action;
- Virginia’s official May 19, 2026 veto statement and enacted insurance bill;
- the introduced text of H.R. 9671, the Menopausal Workers’ Fairness Act of 2026;
- the current EEOC PWFA page and federal regulatory agenda;
- current UK government guidance on voluntary and planned mandatory action plans.
Where a source is a survey, this page says who answered it. Where a number is modeled, this page calls it modeled. Where a working paper changed, this page uses the current version and keeps the old headline in a version note instead of pretending it never existed.
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How many working women are in the age range associated with the menopause transition?
RAND estimated that 24,047,236 women aged 45–60 were in the U.S. labor force in 2023—about 30% of women in the labor force. The state share ranged from 22.6% in Washington, D.C., to 32.5% in Vermont, but age is a planning proxy, not a clinical menopause count.
RAND combined American Community Survey/IPUMS workforce data with wage data to map the population by state and industry. The women in its age-defined group earned an average of $62,871 a year.
That gives employers a useful denominator. It does not give them permission to label every woman aged 45–60 “menopausal,” symptomatic, impaired, or in need of an accommodation.
One caveat you must keep attached: age is not a diagnosis. Some women in this band have no disruptive symptoms. Some women under 45 are in perimenopause or have surgical or induced menopause and are excluded from the model. Some women over 60 remain affected by symptoms and are also excluded.
So this sentence is wrong:
“Thirty percent of the female workforce is menopausal.”
This one is defensible:
“About 30% of women in the U.S. labor force were aged 45–60 in 2023, the range RAND used as a proxy for the menopause transition.”
RAND also projected that the share of working-age women in its transition-age band would rise only modestly nationally through 2050, while changing much more sharply in particular states. That matters for workforce planning, but the projection uses a different denominator from the 30% figure. Do not put the two percentages beside each other as though they are the same measure.
What does menopause actually cost U.S. employers and the economy?
The most-quoted total is $26.6 billion a year, but only $1.8 billion is estimated lost work time; the remaining approximately $24.8 billion is direct medical spending. RAND’s separate $5.4 billion figure is a broader productivity model that adds reduced hours and layoffs to missed days.
This is the number that gets mangled most, so take it apart before you put it on a slide.
What is inside the $26.6 billion Mayo estimate?
| Component | Amount | What it is |
|---|---|---|
| Lost work time | $1.8 billion | Estimated cost of missed workdays among employed women aged 45–60 |
| Direct medical costs | Approximately $24.8 billion | Estimated menopause-attributed medical spending in the same broad age group |
| Combined total | $26.6 billion | Lost work time plus direct medical costs |
Every version that calls $26.6 billion a productivity-loss figure is wrong. Say “combined lost work time and direct medical costs” and the number survives scrutiny.
The $1.8 billion estimate is narrower than many headlines imply. It counts missed workdays. It does not include every reduced hour, resignation, early retirement, declined promotion, move to a lower-paid role, or period of working while struggling.
How does RAND get to $5.4 billion?
RAND updated workforce and wage inputs and modeled three components for full-time and part-time workers:
| Modeled component | Estimated annual cost | Share of the $5.41B model |
|---|---|---|
| Missed workdays | $2.31 billion | 42.7% |
| Reduced hours | $1.00 billion | 18.5% |
| Layoffs | $2.10 billion | 38.8% |
| Total | $5.41 billion | 100% |
That table is an original comparison assembled from the three values in RAND’s Figure 3. It is not a direct accounting of payroll records.
Look at the layoffs row again. Layoffs contribute about 39% of the modeled total. This is not only a story about absence. In RAND’s model, losing employment carries nearly as much cost as missed days.
It is also the component resting on the smallest survey input: 0.3% of women in the Mayo sample reported being laid off because of symptoms. RAND combined that rate with an assumed average unemployment duration of 24.1 weeks. A small percentage becomes a large national amount once multiplied across millions of workers and weeks of lost earnings.
Is $5.4 billion an upper bound or a lower bound?
RAND uses both ideas, and both can be true:
- $5.4 billion is the upper of RAND’s two displayed workforce versions because it includes full-time and part-time workers; the full-time-only total is approximately $4.98 billion.
- RAND calls the result a conservative lower-bound estimate of the broader burden because the model excludes early retirement, missed promotions, resignations, moves into lower-paid work, and women under 45.
That is not a contradiction. It is a reminder that “upper” and “lower” refer to different comparisons.
RAND also states the assumption underneath the model: its source data do not directly observe menopause-related productivity for every worker. The estimate applies Mayo’s reported work-loss rates to age-defined workforce and wage data. Report it as a model, not a measured national bill.
Economic totals are persuasive, but they are the easiest menopause workplace statistics to misuse. Change the population, wage, absence rate, unemployment duration, or included outcomes and the headline can move by billions.
Which states and industries carry the most modeled cost?
RAND estimated the largest absolute state costs in California at $687.7 million and Texas at $432.6 million. Health care and social assistance led the industry model at approximately $1.244 billion, followed by educational services at approximately $797.6 million.
The largest modeled totals do not necessarily identify the places where symptoms are most severe. They identify where headcount, the share of women aged 45–60, wages, and the model’s common work-loss assumptions combine into the largest dollar amounts.
Selected state estimates
| State | Women aged 45–60 in the workforce | Average income | Modeled annual cost |
|---|---|---|---|
| California | 2,696,474 | $71,257 | $687.7 million |
| Texas | 2,084,153 | $57,994 | $432.6 million |
| New York | 1,471,523 | $73,166 | $385.3 million |
| Florida | 1,658,941 | $56,532 | $335.7 million |
| Pennsylvania | 957,245 | $62,950 | $215.7 million |
These selected findings are reported from RAND’s model. The complete official state appendix belongs on RAND’s site; this page links to it rather than reproducing the publication’s full tables.
Selected industry estimates
| Industry | Women aged 45–60 employed | Average wage | Modeled annual cost |
|---|---|---|---|
| Health care and social assistance | 5,516,490 | $62,995 | $1,243.8 million |
| Educational services | 3,756,091 | $59,329 | $797.6 million |
| Professional, scientific, and technical services | 1,741,744 | $95,472 | $595.2 million |
| Finance and insurance | 1,554,881 | $89,884 | $500.2 million |
| Manufacturing | 1,757,165 | $72,426 | $455.5 million |
Two things jump out.
Retail has a large population but a lower modeled dollar cost because wages are lower. Professional and technical services has fewer women than retail but a larger cost because wages are higher.
A “cost of menopause” league table is partly a wage table. That does not make it useless. It changes what the number can support.
For a staffing argument, health care and education are the strongest sectors because they combine large affected-age workforces with existing retention pressure. For an equity argument, dollar cost alone can understate harm in lower-paid work because the same lost hour is assigned a smaller price.
How many women miss work—or experience another work outcome—because of menopause?
In the largest peer-reviewed U.S. workplace study, 597 of 4,440 employed respondents, or 13.4%, reported at least one adverse work outcome attributed to menopause symptoms. A total of 480, or 10.8%, reported missing work in the preceding 12 months, with a median of three missed days among those who missed work.
The final peer-reviewed article is the source of truth for the 480 missed-work numerator. Some public summaries used 485; the article and PubMed record report 480.
| Finding in the Mayo employed sample | Figure |
|---|---|
| At least one adverse work outcome | 597 women (13.4%) |
| Missed work in the preceding 12 months | 480 women (10.8%) |
| Median missed days among those missing work | 3 days |
| Cut back hours | 5.6% |
| Laid off because of symptoms | 0.3% |
| Adjusted odds of an adverse outcome, highest versus lowest symptom-severity quartile | 15.6× (95% CI 10.7–22.7) |
“Adverse work outcome” was a composite. It could include missing work, cutting back hours, layoff, firing, quitting, retirement, or changing jobs. The 13.4% figure is not the percentage who quit, were fired, or missed work. It means at least one outcome in the study’s basket.
Now the part we owe you
The two numbers this field leans on hardest—13.4% and $1.8 billion—come from one survey with a 16.1% response rate.
The study invited 32,469 women aged 45–60 receiving primary care at four Mayo Clinic sites. A total of 5,219 responded, and 4,440 employed respondents were analyzed. The analyzed group was approximately 93% White and 59.3% college-educated, and the survey ran from March through June 2021.
It is useful evidence. It is not a national census.
Low response can create selection in either direction. Women with disruptive symptoms may be more motivated to answer. Women who are exhausted, have left work, lack health-care access, or do not recognize menopause as the issue may be less likely to appear. The study cannot show that all those forces cancel out.
The 2025 UK government evidence review reached a related conclusion after examining 42 publications: workplace effects are real for some women, but the population-wide extent remains uncertain because many studies are cross-sectional, self-reported, unrepresentative, or inconsistent in what they measure.
So why publish any of this?
Because multiple countries and methods point in the same direction: a subset of women experience work disruption, and the subset is large enough to matter. Because some claims are precisely checkable—the status of a law, the population in a model, the exact outcome asked, the response rate. And because the honest version is stronger than the inflated one.
Nobody ever lost an argument by knowing the limits of her own numbers better than the person challenging them.
Is there a menopause penalty in earnings?
The latest revised working paper estimates earnings 3.3% lower on average over the four years after a menopause-related diagnosis and 7.4% lower by year four. The study uses Norwegian and Swedish administrative data and a quasi-experimental design, but it remains working-paper evidence and centers women who received a diagnosis.
The current version of The Menopause “Penalty” is by Gabriella Conti, Rita Ginja, Petra Persson, and Barton Willage. It uses population-wide health and labor records and compares outcomes around the timing of a menopause-related diagnosis.
Earlier institutional pages reported a 4.3% average reduction and approximately 10% by year four. Those numbers came from an earlier paper version. The December 2025 revision and January 2026 Institute for Fiscal Studies publication report:
| Outcome | Current revised estimate |
|---|---|
| Average earnings change over four years after diagnosis | −3.3% |
| Earnings change by year four | −7.4% |
| Main channels | Reduced work hours and earlier labor-market exit |
The old 10% headline still appears across search results. It should now be used only in a version note explaining that the paper changed.
What does the alternative Norwegian study find?
A second working paper, Beyond Hot Flashes: The Career Cost of Menopause, by Sara Abrahamsson, Mara Barschkett, and Martin Flatø, combines Norwegian register data with self-reported age at menopause onset from the HUNT study.
It estimates earnings declines reaching up to 3.7% four years after onset.
Same country family. Similar outcome. Different event definition and study population.
That contrast is valuable, but it does not justify creating a single “3.7% to 7.4%” universal range. The diagnosis-based paper and onset-based paper are not two measurements of one clean national parameter. Diagnosis can select for symptom severity and health-care use; self-reported onset answers a different question.
What can the earnings research support?
It can support this:
“Recent Scandinavian quasi-experimental working papers estimate persistent earnings effects after menopause onset or a menopause-related diagnosis, with the size depending on the design and population.”
It cannot support this:
“Every woman loses 7.4% of her earnings because of menopause.”
It also cannot turn a population-level care-access result into a personal promise that hormone therapy will protect one woman’s salary. That is a treatment claim, and these workforce papers are not a substitute for an individualized clinical decision.
Why do menopause workplace statistics disagree with each other?
Menopause workplace statistics disagree because studies count different people, ask different questions, use different time frames, and sometimes model outcomes that were never directly counted. A percentage from a symptom-experienced UK subgroup is not a rival estimate of a percentage from a U.S. primary-care sample.
This is the source-safe ledger we would want if someone handed us a menopause deck and asked whether it could survive five minutes of questioning.
| Claim | Population and date | Evidence type | Safe to say | Do not say |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| $1.8B lost work time | U.S. extrapolation from 4,440 employed Mayo respondents; survey in 2021 | Modeled from self-reported missed days | One 2023 study estimated $1.8B in annual U.S. lost work time | Menopause directly costs every employer $1.8B in measured losses |
| $5.4B productivity loss | U.S. women aged 45–60 in ACS/IPUMS workforce data; 2023 inputs, report published 2025 | Economic model | RAND modeled $5.4B from missed days, reduced hours, and layoffs | The government counted $5.4B in payroll losses |
| 13.4% adverse work outcome | 4,440 employed respondents aged 45–60 at four Mayo sites; 2021 | Cross-sectional survey | 13.4% of the analyzed employed sample reported at least one defined outcome | 13.4% of all U.S. women have a menopause work problem |
| 10.8% missed work | Same Mayo sample; preceding 12 months | Cross-sectional survey | 10.8% of the analyzed sample reported missing work | One in nine U.S. workers misses work every year because of menopause |
| 27% employer support/resources | 5,472 U.S. HR-professional responses; Jan–Mar 2026 | Employer survey | 27% of surveyed employers reported support or resources | 27% cover menopause clinical care |
| 73-point communication gap | 500 benefit managers and 2,000 full-time employed women at 1,000+ employee firms; 2023 | Two Ipsos polls | 76% of benefit managers said they discuss menopause; 3% of women said they had talked with HR | 73% of employers are lying |
| 7.4% lower earnings by year four | Women with a menopause-related diagnosis in Norway/Sweden; revised working paper | Administrative quasi-experimental study | Revised paper estimates 7.4% lower earnings by year four after diagnosis | Menopause cuts every woman’s earnings by 7.4% |
| 3.7% lower earnings by year four | Norwegian HUNT self-reported onset linked to registers | Working paper using onset timing | Study estimates declines up to 3.7% by year four | This disproves or replaces the diagnosis-based estimate |
| 67% negative work effect | UK employed women aged 40–60 with symptom experience; CIPD 2023 | Employee survey | 67% of the relevant symptom-experienced UK subset reported a mostly negative effect | 67% of all working women lose productivity |
| 53% unable to go in at some point | CIPD UK survey population; recall question | Employee survey | 53% could recall a time they were unable to go in | 53% miss work each year |
The four mistakes that break the argument
- Quoting UK figures to a U.S. audience without saying so. Fawcett’s “one in ten left a job” and CIPD’s 67% and 53% figures are British.
- Calling $26.6 billion a productivity number. Most of it is direct medical spending.
- Treating modeled estimates as observed national accounts. RAND’s $5.4 billion is a model built from population, wage, and survey inputs.
- Turning “left a job” into “left the workforce.” A job exit, labor-force exit, layoff, resignation, and considered exit are different outcomes.
How many employers offer menopause support in 2026?
In SHRM’s 2026 survey, 27% of responding U.S. employers reported menopause support or resources, up from 18% in 2025 and 17% in 2024. The category can include counseling or education, so it should not be presented as the share providing clinical treatment, prescription coverage, or dedicated leave.
| Survey year | Employers reporting menopause support or resources |
|---|---|
| 2024 | 17% |
| 2025 | 18% |
| 2026 | 27% |
The 2026 survey was fielded from January 28 through March 23 and received 5,472 responses from HR professionals at U.S. organizations. SHRM says its results were unweighted.
The trend is real inside the survey series. The contents of the category remain blurry.
In 2024, SHRM separately found that only 2% offered menopause or menstrual leave beyond regular sick leave. That narrower leave figure does not contradict the broader support/resource category because the questions measure different things.
“Menopause support” can mean:
- a guide or webinar;
- manager training;
- an employee resource group;
- flexible-work guidance;
- an accommodation process;
- a specialist-care platform;
- insurance coverage;
- dedicated leave.
Nobody should make a 27% clinical-coverage claim from a category that can include education.
Do employees know those benefits exist?
Employer-reported support and employee awareness are not the same measure. In the 2023 Bank of America/National Menopause Foundation research, 76% of HR benefit managers said they discuss menopause-related issues, while 3% of surveyed peri- and postmenopausal employees said they had discussed menopause with HR.
That is a 73-percentage-point gap, but the two groups were asked from different positions. It does not prove dishonesty. It shows that sending information, believing a topic is discussable, and a woman feeling safe enough to disclose are different things.
The study used two Ipsos polls:
- 500 HR benefit decision-makers from companies with at least 1,000 employees;
- 2,000 U.S. women aged 40–65, employed full-time at companies with at least 1,000 employees.
Other findings from the same report:
| Finding | Figure |
|---|---|
| Women who believed their employer recognized the need for menopause-specific benefits | 14% |
| Women who wanted menopause-specific benefits | 64% |
| Women with access who said the offerings positively affected their work | 58% |
| Would recommend employer as a great place to work, with benefits | 83% |
| Would recommend employer as a great place to work, without benefits | 69% |
| Peri- and postmenopausal women uncomfortable discussing symptoms at work | 58% |
The top reason employers gave for not offering menopause-specific benefits was that employees had not asked.
That is the loop:
Employers wait for demand. Women do not disclose because disclosure feels personal or risky. The silence is interpreted as no need.
A benefit nobody knows about is not a benefit.
The first employer action does not have to be a clinic contract. It can be a clear, private, repeated explanation of what support already exists, who sees a request, what information is required, and what happens next.
The 58%, 83%, and 69% findings are self-reported associations. They do not prove that adding a benefit caused better work or employer advocacy.
Is menopause protected under federal workplace law?
No federal employment statute currently names menopause as its own protected category. Depending on the facts, a claim may involve sex discrimination under Title VII, age discrimination under the ADEA, disability discrimination or accommodation under the ADA, or medical leave under the FMLA; none creates a simple universal menopause rule.
This section summarizes public legal information. It is not legal advice.
| Federal law | What it covers | Where menopause may fit |
|---|---|---|
| Title VII | Sex discrimination and harassment | Conduct tied to menopause may support a sex-based claim depending on the facts |
| ADEA | Age discrimination for workers aged 40+ | Age-based treatment may overlap with menopause-related treatment |
| ADA | Disability discrimination and reasonable accommodation | Menopause is not automatically a disability; symptoms may qualify if they substantially limit a major life activity |
| PWFA | Accommodation for known limitations related to pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions | Menopause is not named in the statute; application remains legally unsettled |
| FMLA | Job-protected leave for eligible workers with a qualifying serious health condition | A qualifying condition may trigger leave if the worker and employer meet the statute’s requirements |
The safest ADA sentence is not “menopause is a disability” or “menopause is never a disability.”
It is:
“Menopause is not automatically an ADA disability. Particular symptoms or related conditions may qualify case by case if they meet the ADA definition.”
Federal courts have rejected claims where the pleaded facts did not show a substantial limitation. That does not create a rule that no menopause-related condition can qualify.
What is happening with the PWFA?
The EEOC’s current PWFA guidance remains in effect. Revisions to the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act also appear on the federal regulatory agenda as a proposed rule.
That means two things can be true on August 10, 2026:
- the current final rule remains the operative rule;
- the agency has formally placed revisions on its agenda.
Do not present a planned revision as completed law. Do not present menopause coverage under the PWFA as settled.
Which states have enacted menopause workplace laws?
Two states have enacted laws that expressly address menopause-related workplace accommodation: Rhode Island, effective since June 24, 2025, and Illinois, signed August 7, 2026, with workplace provisions effective January 1, 2027. The final Illinois law is narrower than the discrimination-ban headlines that described earlier versions.
| Jurisdiction | Status on August 10, 2026 | What the enacted or final measure does |
|---|---|---|
| Rhode Island | In force since June 24, 2025 | Amends the Fair Employment Practices Act to require reasonable accommodation for pregnancy-related and menopause-related conditions, including managing vasomotor symptoms; applies to employers covered by the state definition, generally 4+ employees |
| Illinois | Signed August 7, 2026; workplace provisions effective January 1, 2027 | Adds menopause-related conditions to workplace accommodation notice language and adds flexible scheduling/modified hours and temperature or climate-adjusted workspace to listed pregnancy accommodations; final text removes menopause-related conditions from the standalone “unlawful discrimination” definition |
| Virginia | Workplace bills vetoed May 19, 2026 | HB 1173 and SB 258 would have named menopause and perimenopause under the Virginia Human Rights Act; a separate insurance-coverage mandate was enacted |
| Federal | H.R. 9671 introduced July 14, 2026; not enacted | Would create an express federal accommodation right for workers experiencing menopause-related limitations at covered employers |
What does Rhode Island require?
Rhode Island General Laws § 28-5-7.4 expressly covers menopause-related conditions. The statute requires reasonable accommodation unless the employer can demonstrate undue hardship and says an employee does not have to be disabled to receive the accommodation.
The statute includes examples such as more frequent or longer breaks, modified schedules, seating, temporary transfers, telecommuting, time off, and changes needed to manage vasomotor symptoms. It also requires employers to give a rights notice within 10 days after an employee notifies the employer of menopause.
What changed in Illinois before passage?
Earlier Illinois HB 5284 versions would have created a standalone civil-rights violation for menopause discrimination and refusal to accommodate. Senate Floor Amendment No. 4 removed that language before the bill passed.
What survived into the final measure:
- a definition of menopause-related conditions;
- workplace notice language stating that pregnancy-accommodation rights include menopause-related conditions;
- flexible scheduling or modified hours and temperature or climate-adjusted workspace in the accommodation list;
- public education and clinician-education provisions;
- insurance provisions effective January 1, 2028.
What did not survive:
- menopause-related conditions as a standalone category inside the definition of unlawful discrimination;
- the earlier standalone civil-rights violation for refusing a menopause accommodation;
- the longer example list that included remote work, private rest space, and light duty.
Illinois is now the second state to enact an express menopause-related workplace measure. It is not accurate to call the final law a standalone menopause discrimination ban.
What happened in Virginia?
Governor Abigail Spanberger vetoed HB 1173 and SB 258 on May 19, 2026. The bills would have inserted menopause and perimenopause as protected categories in the Virginia Human Rights Act.
The same administration signed SB 790, requiring certain health-insurance coverage for medically necessary treatment of menopause and perimenopause for policies issued or renewed from January 1, 2027.
Read together, the 2026 session chose coverage before a new named workplace category.
Money before rights.
What would the federal Menopausal Workers’ Fairness Act do?
H.R. 9671, introduced July 14, 2026, would create an express federal right to reasonable accommodation for known limitations related to menopause and the menopause transition at covered employers, generally those with 15 or more employees. It has been referred to committees and is not law.
The introduced bill would:
- require reasonable accommodation unless the employer proves undue hardship;
- prohibit forcing a worker onto leave when another reasonable accommodation is available;
- prohibit adverse action for requesting or using an accommodation;
- require related medical information to be handled as a confidential medical record;
- use Title VII-style enforcement and remedies;
- direct the EEOC to issue regulations within one year after enactment.
It also identifies four modifications as “Predictable Assessments”—requests that should, in virtually all cases, receive a simple and straightforward assessment without documentation:
- carrying or keeping water nearby and drinking as needed;
- taking additional restroom breaks as needed;
- sitting when work requires standing, or standing when work requires sitting;
- taking breaks to eat and drink as needed.
The bill’s findings say current federal law does not explicitly protect against discrimination based on menopause, although workers may have protection under laws addressing age, sex, disability, or combinations of those characteristics.
Treat H.R. 9671 as a legislative proposal and a signal of policy direction. Do not treat it as a current compliance right.
How does the U.S. compare with the U.K.?
The U.K. has moved further toward national employer planning. Employers with 250 or more employees can publish voluntary action plans addressing the gender pay gap and menopause support in 2026; the plans are scheduled to become mandatory from spring 2027, subject to secondary legislation, across England, Scotland, and Wales.
| Question | United States | England, Scotland, and Wales |
|---|---|---|
| Federal/national statute naming menopause accommodation | No enacted federal equivalent | Employment Rights Act framework includes menopause support in employer action plans |
| Employer planning duty | No general federal plan requirement | Voluntary for 250+ employers in 2026; planned mandatory from spring 2027, subject to secondary legislation |
| Current express subnational laws | Rhode Island in force; Illinois effective January 1, 2027 | Equality Act routes depend on sex, age, disability, and the facts |
| Main evidence base | Mayo, RAND, employer and vendor surveys | CIPD, Fawcett, government evidence review, employer action-plan program |
This comparison has a second job: it tells you which statistics in a typical U.S. presentation are British.
- Fawcett’s one in ten women left a job is UK survey evidence.
- CIPD’s 67% mostly negative effect is a UK symptom-experienced subgroup.
- CIPD’s 53% unable to go in at some point is a UK recall measure.
- The approximately £1.5 billion unemployment-cost estimate reviewed by the UK government is a UK model.
All can inform a discussion. None was measured in the United States.
What do women say menopause is doing to their work?
Recent U.S. surveys describe lost motivation, cognitive strain, poor sleep, mood effects, and fear of disclosure. They are useful for language and current sentiment, but vendor and employer-sponsored surveys should not be turned into national clinical prevalence estimates.
Bonafide’s 2026 State of Menopause survey included more than 2,000 U.S. women aged 40–64 who said they were experiencing perimenopause or menopause symptoms. Bonafide sells menopause supplements, so the commercial context stays visible.
Selected findings:
| Bonafide 2026 vendor-survey finding | Figure |
|---|---|
| Reported cognitive changes | 77% |
| Said symptoms affected emotional or mental health | 60% |
| Said motivation was the leading work casualty | 56% |
| Ages 40–49 saying motivation was the leading work casualty | 62% |
| Said symptoms were more disruptive than expected | 72% |
| Did not recognize the first symptom as perimenopause | 71% |
| Still felt stigma made open discussion uncomfortable | 45% |
The survey says anxiety and depression were the most frequently named impactful symptom, ahead of hot flashes. That is a finding from this symptom-experienced vendor sample—not proof that anxiety or depression is caused by menopause in every respondent and not a national workforce prevalence estimate.
The disclosure paradox
Put two findings from two different surveys beside each other:
- 71% in Bonafide’s symptom-experienced sample did not recognize the first symptom as perimenopause.
- 3% in the Bank of America workplace sample said they had talked with HR about menopause.
They are not one denominator. Together, they explain part of the invisibility.
The woman who most needs support may not have a word for what is happening yet. She is not necessarily hiding a diagnosis. She may not have one.
She thinks she is slipping.
Most workplace frameworks start with temperature because a fan, cold water, or climate control is concrete. But the concerns women describe also include sleep, concentration, memory, anxiety, mood, bleeding, pain, and confidence. A desk fan does not touch all of that.
What accommodations do women and proposed laws focus on?
The most consistently named adjustments are flexible or modified hours, temperature control, breaks, water and restroom access, seating changes, remote work where feasible, time for appointments, and private space. Which adjustments are legally required depends on the jurisdiction, the worker’s limitations, the job, and the governing statute.
| Adjustment | Rhode Island statute | H.R. 9671 as introduced | Illinois effective 2027 |
|---|---|---|---|
| Temperature or climate-adjusted workspace | Can fit management of vasomotor symptoms | Not one of the four predictable assessments | Expressly added |
| Flexible scheduling or modified hours | Listed accommodation category | May qualify as reasonable accommodation | Expressly added |
| Additional restroom breaks | Listed accommodation category | Predictable assessment | Not specially added by HB 5284 |
| Carrying and drinking water | May be reasonable depending on need | Predictable assessment | Not specially added by HB 5284 |
| Sitting/standing changes | Seating and job adjustments appear in statute | Predictable assessment | Not specially added by HB 5284 |
| Breaks to eat or drink | May be reasonable depending on need | Predictable assessment | Not specially added by HB 5284 |
| Telecommuting | Listed among Rhode Island examples | May qualify depending on job and hardship | Not retained as a menopause-specific example in the final Illinois bill |
| Time off for medical appointments | Listed among Rhode Island examples | May qualify depending on the request | Not specially added by HB 5284 |
CIPD’s UK survey found that flexible working and temperature control were among the adjustments women most often identified as helpful. It also reported that 84% of respondents who felt unsupported said symptoms had a mostly negative effect at work, compared with 71% among those who felt supported.
That 13-point difference is an association from a cross-sectional survey. It is not proof that a policy reduced symptoms or retention losses by 13 percentage points.
The 2025 UK government review found limited high-quality evidence on workplace interventions. Supportive adjustments can still be humane, practical, and low-cost. What the evidence does not yet support is a guaranteed return-on-investment claim.
What can menopause workplace statistics not tell you?
These statistics cannot predict one woman’s career, diagnose the cause of her symptoms, define every employer benefit, or prove that a workplace policy or treatment produced a particular outcome. The largest U.S. numbers are either self-reported survey findings or models built from those findings.
Five gaps matter.
The counting gap
RAND’s model includes missed days, reduced hours, and layoffs. It excludes resignations, early retirement, missed promotions, moves to lower-paid roles, and women below the age proxy.
That means the model does not count every plausible work effect. It does not mean every excluded effect can simply be added or that the “true” total is known.
The definition gap
There is no standard U.S. definition of a menopause benefit. A survey can count a webinar and a clinical-care program in the same category.
Until the category is separated, the 27% SHRM figure describes the presence of some support or resource—not the depth of coverage.
The selection and disclosure gap
Underdisclosure can push estimates down. Symptom-focused recruitment, health-system sampling, and low response can push estimates up.
Both can be true at once.
That is why “every survey is a floor” is no more defensible than “every survey exaggerates.”
The demographic gap
The Mayo sample was approximately 93% White and 59.3% college-educated. RAND could not disaggregate its cost estimates by race, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status and identified that as an equity limitation.
The evidence is thinnest for some of the workers who may have the least job control, weakest benefits, and least access to specialty care.
The causation gap
Cross-sectional surveys show what respondents reported at one point in time. They cannot cleanly separate menopause symptoms from sleep disorders, depression, other health conditions, caregiving, workload, discrimination, financial pressure, or workplace design.
The Scandinavian papers use stronger quasi-experimental methods, but they answer narrower questions in specific health and social-insurance systems.
The treatment gap
Do not use workforce statistics to make a treatment claim.
No study on this page proves that hormone therapy improves an individual woman’s job performance, retention, promotion odds, or earnings. The earnings papers’ health-care analyses do not turn into a personal prescription.
Workplace evidence can validate that the issue deserves attention. It cannot choose treatment.
If symptoms are why work is hard, what is the actual next step?
Statistics do not treat symptoms. If menopause symptoms may be affecting your work, there are two separate decisions: getting assessed and discussing a specific workplace barrier or adjustment. You do not have to make them in a particular order.
Start with the problem in front of you.
Write down:
- the symptom or change;
- when it happens;
- sleep or cycle context where relevant;
- the task, shift, meeting, uniform, temperature, or environment involved;
- what changed at work;
- what helped;
- what you need to ask a clinician;
- what practical adjustment would address the work problem.
Use a personal device or paper if privacy matters. Do not put sensitive health information into an employer system until you understand who can access it, how long it is retained, and what the process requires.
For clinical assessment, start with a primary-care clinician, gynecologist, menopause clinician, or another qualified clinician you can access and trust. Bring specifics. “I feel awful” is real, but “I wake five times with night sweats and cannot safely manage my 6 a.m. shift” gives the clinician and the workplace problem something concrete to address.
For work, you may be able to describe the limitation and requested change without telling every colleague your full medical history. The legal threshold and documentation rules vary. A lawyer, union representative, or authoritative state agency can help when rights or retaliation are at issue.
If the hard part is choosing a care route—insurance-based, cash-pay, online, or in person—Find My HRT Path can organize the decision and flag when online care is not the right starting point.
See which care path fits your situation →
How were these menopause workplace statistics verified?
Every live figure on this page has a named source, population, date, and evidence type. The HRT Index checked current versions, separated direct findings from models, preserved conflicting denominators, and removed claims that could not be traced or that had become obsolete.
Under The HRT Index Verification Standard, The HRT Index reads every published price, separates FDA-approved from compounded options, verifies state availability and insurance, and re-checks claims on a fixed schedule—top providers monthly and the full roster quarterly. The site’s editorial standards explain the source hierarchy and correction rules behind that work.
This page applies the same verification discipline to workforce evidence:
- identify the primary study, official report, statute, or issuing organization;
- record collection date separately from publication date;
- keep the population and denominator beside the number;
- label surveys, administrative estimates, and models;
- check sponsors and commercial context;
- compare a working paper with its latest revision;
- use final article counts when a press release differs;
- verify bill status against government records;
- keep earlier figures in a version note when they explain an internet contradiction;
- remove claims that cannot be traced.
What was verified—and what was not reproduced?
We verified published figures and methods against the sources. We did not independently reproduce restricted microdata, reconstruct every regression, audit employer payroll, or rerun the RAND model.
That distinction matters. “Verified” means the page accurately reports what the current source says and how it was produced. It does not mean The HRT Index independently replicated the underlying research.
Claims removed from the publishable page
| Claim | Why it was removed |
|---|---|
| “Illinois is awaiting the governor’s signature” | Obsolete: Governor Pritzker signed HB 5284 on August 7, 2026 |
| “Only one state has enacted a menopause workplace law” | Obsolete after Illinois’s signing; Rhode Island is in force and Illinois takes effect January 1, 2027 |
| “The revised 7.4% earnings penalty could not be verified” | The current IFS/NBER revision reports 7.4% by year four |
| “The penalty ranges from 3.7% to 10% depending on severity” | The studies use different designs and populations; synthesizing them into a severity range overstates what they establish |
| “Every survey estimate is a floor” | Disclosure can lower estimates, while recruitment and nonresponse can raise them |
| “The direction is consistent across every country, method, and decade” | Too absolute for the evidence base |
| Global cost figures for Germany, Japan, and a $150B/$600B estimate | The draft did not establish comparable primary methods and the figures did not help the U.S. intent |
| Provider prices and a direct sponsored provider recommendation | Intent drift on an informational statistics page and a recurring verification burden unrelated to the query |
| Full RAND state and industry appendix tables | RAND requires permission for commercial reproduction; selected facts are summarized and the official report is linked |
| Placeholder Citation Pack and State Rights Checker CTAs | The assets did not yet exist at publishable URLs |
The 27 verified U.S. facts behind the title
| # | Verified finding | Source |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | $1.8B estimated annual lost work time | Mayo, 2023 |
| 2 | $26.6B combined lost work time and direct medical cost | Mayo, 2023 |
| 3 | Approximately $24.8B of that combined figure is direct medical spending | Mayo, 2023 |
| 4 | 597 of 4,440 employed respondents reported an adverse outcome | Mayo, 2023 |
| 5 | 13.4% reported at least one adverse outcome | Mayo, 2023 |
| 6 | 480 respondents reported missing work | Mayo, 2023 |
| 7 | 10.8% reported missing work in the preceding year | Mayo, 2023 |
| 8 | Median missed time among those missing work was 3 days | Mayo, 2023 |
| 9 | 5.6% reported cutting back hours | Mayo, 2023 |
| 10 | 0.3% reported being laid off because of symptoms | Mayo, 2023 |
| 11 | Highest versus lowest symptom quartile: adjusted odds ratio 15.6 | Mayo, 2023 |
| 12 | Study response rate: 16.1% | Mayo, 2023 |
| 13 | Analyzed sample: approximately 93% White | Mayo, 2023 |
| 14 | Analyzed sample: approximately 59.3% college-educated | Mayo, 2023 |
| 15 | 24,047,236 women aged 45–60 in the 2023 U.S. labor force | RAND, 2025 |
| 16 | Approximately 30% of women in the labor force were in that age range | RAND, 2025 |
| 17 | State share ranged from 22.6% in D.C. | RAND, 2025 |
| 18 | State share reached 32.5% in Vermont | RAND, 2025 |
| 19 | $5.41B modeled annual productivity loss | RAND, 2025 |
| 20 | $2.31B modeled missed-day component | RAND, 2025 |
| 21 | $1.00B modeled reduced-hours component | RAND, 2025 |
| 22 | $2.10B modeled layoff component | RAND, 2025 |
| 23 | California modeled cost: $687.7M | RAND, 2025 |
| 24 | Texas modeled cost: $432.6M | RAND, 2025 |
| 25 | 17% of surveyed employers reported support/resources in 2024 | SHRM |
| 26 | 18% reported support/resources in 2025 | SHRM |
| 27 | 27% reported support/resources in 2026 | SHRM |
The title count does not inflate the page by treating UK figures as U.S. facts or counting one percentage and its inverse as separate “statistics.”
What will be rechecked, and when?
The fastest-moving claims are laws, regulations, employer-benefit surveys, and working-paper revisions. The page should keep its August 2026 date only while those items remain checked; changing the year without re-verification would create fake freshness.
| Element | Refresh cadence | Verification method |
|---|---|---|
| Illinois HB 5284 implementation and agency guidance | Monthly through January 2027, then quarterly | Illinois General Assembly, governor, Illinois Department of Human Rights, Department of Public Health |
| Rhode Island statute and guidance | Quarterly | Rhode Island General Laws and Commission for Human Rights |
| Virginia and other state bills | Monthly during legislative sessions; quarterly otherwise | Each legislature and governor’s official records |
| H.R. 9671 and other federal bills | Quarterly | Congress.gov/GovInfo |
| PWFA revisions | Monthly | Federal Register, Reginfo.gov, EEOC |
| Revised menopause-penalty paper | Monthly until peer-reviewed publication; quarterly afterward | NBER, IFS, journal and author pages |
| RAND model or errata | Quarterly | RAND product page and correction notices |
| Mayo article corrections | Quarterly | PubMed, journal, Crossmark |
| SHRM benefit trend | Annually when the new survey publishes | SHRM survey and methodology |
| Bank of America workplace survey | Annually/source-triggered | Bank of America and issuing partner |
| Bonafide State of Menopause | Annually, labeled as vendor research | Publisher’s survey page and methodology |
| UK action-plan implementation | Quarterly | GOV.UK |
| Primary-source links | Monthly automated check; quarterly manual check | Link monitor plus source-page review |
Frequently asked questions
The answers below keep the country, denominator, time frame, and evidence type attached to each number. That is the difference between a statistic that can support a decision and a headline that collapses under one follow-up question.
How much does menopause cost U.S. employers?
The Mayo study estimated $1.8 billion a year in lost work time from missed days. RAND later modeled $5.4 billion in productivity loss by adding reduced hours and layoffs. The widely repeated $26.6 billion Mayo figure combines lost work time with approximately $24.8 billion in direct medical spending.
What percentage of women have work problems because of menopause?
In the Mayo employed sample, 13.4% reported at least one defined adverse work outcome and 10.8% reported missing work in the previous year. Those are sample findings, not national prevalence rates.
How many women quit their jobs because of menopause?
There is no clean U.S. quit rate in the evidence used here. The Mayo study combines quitting with six other outcomes inside its 13.4% composite. The often-repeated one in ten figure comes from Fawcett Society UK survey evidence and refers to leaving a job, not necessarily leaving the labor force.
What percentage of employers offer menopause benefits?
SHRM reported 27% offering menopause support or resources in 2026, up from 18% in 2025 and 17% in 2024. The category may include counseling or education and should not be translated into 27% offering clinical care or prescription coverage.
Is menopause a disability under the ADA?
Not automatically. Particular symptoms or related conditions may qualify if they substantially limit a major life activity and meet the ADA’s other requirements. The answer depends on the facts, not the menopause label alone.
Can an employer fire someone because of menopause symptoms?
There is no simple federal menopause-specific rule. Depending on the facts, an adverse action may implicate Title VII, the ADEA, the ADA, leave law, or a state or local statute. Rhode Island has a current express accommodation statute, and Illinois’s new workplace provisions take effect January 1, 2027. Get individual legal advice for a real dispute.
Which states have menopause workplace laws?
As of August 10, 2026, Rhode Island’s express menopause-related accommodation law is in force. Illinois signed HB 5284 on August 7, 2026, with workplace provisions effective January 1, 2027. Virginia’s 2026 workplace bills were vetoed.
Does Illinois have a menopause discrimination ban?
The final enacted HB 5284 does not create the standalone menopause discrimination category described in some earlier headlines. It adds menopause-related accommodation notice language and specific accommodation examples within the Illinois Human Rights Act, effective January 1, 2027.
Is there a federal menopause workplace law?
No enacted federal statute creates a standalone menopause accommodation right. H.R. 9671 was introduced July 14, 2026, and would create one at covered employers if passed. It is a bill, not current law.
Do I have to tell my employer I am in menopause?
A person does not generally have to announce menopause to the entire workplace. An accommodation process usually requires enough communication for the employer to understand a limitation and requested change, but the necessary information and legal standard vary. Rhode Island’s statute has a specific notice rule after an employee notifies the employer of menopause.
What percentage of the workforce is going through menopause?
RAND estimated that approximately 30% of women in the U.S. labor force were aged 45–60 in 2023. That is an age proxy for workforce planning, not a count of clinically confirmed menopause or symptomatic women.
Are UK menopause workplace statistics relevant in the U.S.?
They are useful context but not interchangeable with U.S. findings. UK surveys use different employment law, health-care access, questions, and populations. Label them as UK evidence every time.
Does workplace support improve outcomes?
CIPD found less negative reported impact among respondents who felt supported than among those who did not. That is an association, not proof that a policy caused a specific reduction in absence, symptoms, or turnover. The UK government review found the intervention evidence limited.
Does hormone therapy improve work performance?
No study on this page answers that question. These are workforce surveys, administrative labor studies, and economic models—not individualized treatment trials. Whether hormone therapy is appropriate depends on a clinical assessment of symptoms, health history, preferences, risks, and alternatives.
Sources
Primary studies, official reports, current statutes, enrolled-bill records, and issuing-organization methodology pages are listed below. Secondary pages were used only where they supplied version context or an official issuing-organization summary.
- Faubion SS, Enders F, Hedges MS, et al. Impact of Menopause Symptoms on Women in the Workplace. Mayo Clinic Proceedings. 2023;98(6):833–845.
- RAND Corporation. The Economic Impacts of Menopause in the United States. 2025.
- RAND. Rights and Permissions.
- SHRM. Menopause Benefits See Big Jump in Employer Offerings. July 31, 2026.
- SHRM. From Menopause Support to Grandparent Leave, Employers Add Benefits. June 24, 2024.
- Bank of America/National Menopause Foundation. Break Through the Stigma: Menopause in the Workplace. 2023.
- Bonafide. State of Menopause 2026.
- Conti G, Ginja R, Persson P, Willage B. The Menopause “Penalty.” Institute for Fiscal Studies Working Paper 26/01, 2026.
- Conti G, Ginja R, Persson P, Willage B. The Menopause “Penalty.” Current paper PDF.
- Abrahamsson S, Barschkett M, Flatø M. Beyond Hot Flashes: The Career Cost of Menopause. IZA Discussion Paper No. 17789, 2025.
- CIPD. Menopause in the workplace: Employee experiences in 2023.
- UK Department for Work and Pensions. Menopause in the Workplace Literature Review. 2025.
- Fawcett Society. Menopause and the Workplace. 2022.
- Rhode Island General Laws § 28-5-7.4. Accommodation of pregnancy-related and menopause-related conditions.
- Illinois General Assembly. HB 5284 bill status and final synopsis.
- State of Illinois. Governor Pritzker Takes Bill Action, August 7, 2026.
- Governor of Virginia. Veto statement for HB 1173 and SB 258, May 19, 2026.
- Virginia Legislative Information System. SB 790, coverage for treatment of menopause and perimenopause.
- GovInfo. H.R. 9671, Menopausal Workers’ Fairness Act of 2026, introduced July 14, 2026.
- EEOC. What You Should Know About the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act.
- Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs. RIN 3046-AB36, Revisions to the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act.
- UK Government. Creating an action plan: guidance for employers.
- UK Government. Employer Action Plans.
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